How much do we know about Stonehenge? Less than we think. And what has Stonehenge got to do with the Ice Age? More than we might think. This blog is mostly devoted to the problems of where the Stonehenge bluestones came from, and how they got from their source areas to the monument. Now and then I will muse on related Stonehenge topics which have an Ice Age dimension...
Some of the ideas discussed in this blog are published in my new book called "The Stonehenge Bluestones" -- available by post and through good bookshops everywhere. Bad bookshops might not have it....
To order, click HERE
Saturday, 12 September 2026
The 1975 / 1976 Gorsedd Circle at Netpool, Cardigan
I rather like this Gorsedd Circle, erected first of all at Brondesbury Park in 1975 for the proclamation of the 1976 Cardigan National Eisteddfod, and then moved in 1995 to its present site at Netpool -- a stone's throw from the River Teifi. It's set in a verdany public park, with adjacent parking, very close to the town's largest cemetery.
There are 11 stones and one inlier, set around a central group of large recumbent stones at the "node". Thbiggest slab is called the Maen Llog or Logan Stone. The inlier stone is due east of the circle centre, creating an approximate alignment with the rising sun at the midsummer solstice. This is all part of the formula invented by Iolo Morgannwg many moons ago.
As for the stones themselves, they are all igneous, and all appear to be dolerites. One or two are spotted, but the majority are not. We have to assume that they originated on Preseli, but I have not been able to access infon as to the actual location. I imagine that they will not have been taken from the common, but from land belonging to a friendly farmer -- most likely on the north flank of the upland.
The circle is made from a weird and wacky assortment of stones, all except one under 2m tall. It's rather appealing because of its sheer eccentricity! the shapes are irregulat blocks rather than tall pillars or slabs. I am sutrre they have just been picked up from recumbent positions either in hedge banks or in stony ground. Most surfaces are heavily weathered and most edges are heavily abraded, so this speaks of some glacial transport and long exposure to the elements. There are some surfaces which are very fresh -- caused by breakage during collection and transport. On some stones you can see changes in the surface patina that must have coincided with ground level where stones were partly buried or embedded in till or surface soil. There are abundant deep gouges and chain marks on nearly all the stones -- the result iof rough treatment by mechanical diggers and otherc machines employed during stone collection.
Serious damage was done to this stone during collection. Note the machinery scars on the left face: these are notv very fresh, suggesting damage many years ago when the stone may have been dragged from an inconvenient poosition and set into a hedge. Note that on the same face we can see the old ground level.
====================
The definitive guide to the modern Gorsedd Circles of Wales:
https://sublimewales.wordpress.com/attractions/18th-and-19th-century-stone-circles/gorsedd-circles/
Michael Freeman has done great work on this, and his beautifully illustrated blog is well worth a visit.
Seec also:
The preposterous pretence of precision provenancing
I am more and more intrigued by the apparent obsession -- on the part of assorted geologists and archaeologists -- with taking a lump of stone from an archaeological context and claiming to have found the exact location, to within a few square metres, of the spot from which it was taken I choose my words carefully -- because there is an underlying assumption that said lump of stone must have been selected and fetched by human beings at its place of origin and then carried across land or sea to its final resting place. Underpinning this assumption is the belief that naturally transported stones (such as glacial erratics) were somehow deemed inadequate, and that the fetching of the stone from a faraway location was a superior activity within the Neolithic belief system. All very weird when we consider that in glaciated parts of Northern Europe burial chambers and stone settings generally were always made of glacial erratics if they were available and from broken bedrock slabs and pillars if they were close at hand -- as at Callanish. But nobody carried stones across country for great distances, as pointed out many years ago by Geoffrey Kellaway, Stephen Briggs, Olwen Williams-Thorpe and others. There is no sign at all that glacial erratics were considered inferior for megalithic building projects. Indeed, we can make a case that they were more highly valued than "quarried" stones:
https://brian-mountainman.blogspot.com/2026/08/the-special-status-of-unhewn-rocks-and.html
And yet Parker Pearson, Ixer, Bevins, Clarke and many others persist with their illogical conviction that monoliths needed to be FETCHED in order to be deemed useful.
All this comes sharply into focus because of the latest offering from Clarke et al on the origins of the Devils Arrows stones. I was forcefully reminded of how easy it is to sell an idea through the careful choice of the method you choose for the portrayal of your data. As I have mentioned in another post, their basic problem is a lack of data. That may sound strange, given that the article looks hugely impressive, packed with technical complexities, tables and graphic representations. But in attempting to assign an origin to the megaliths in question, they have only ONE serious "candidate" sampling point -- Brimham Rocks. On that basis alone, the article should be laughed out of court. But let's look at their Figure 6, which is a "multidimensional scaling plot" based on 60 comparative data sets.
Deliberate prehistoric sourcing of the Devil's Arrows, Britain's tallest stone row Open AccessAnthony Clarke, Jim Leary, Chris Kirkland, Proc. R. Soc. A (2026) 482 (2345): 20260504 .
https://doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2026.0504
https://royalsocietypublishing.org/rspa/article/482/2345/20260504/483254/Deliberate-prehistoric-sourcing-of-the-Devil-s
One of my triangular plots from 1965, showing particle size distributions for key sediment types in the Quaternary succession in North Pembrokeshire. The labels are of course subjective and arbitrary, and there are overlaps and gradations everywhere........
Map of glacial and related deposits around Rhos-y-Clegyrn. A lot of fieldwork went into this, but the boundaries are invisible in the real world, and are at best educated guesses. You cannot sample every square meter of territory, or improve reliability by statistical manipulation.
Thursday, 10 September 2026
The Archdruid of UCL
The Archdruid of UCL: Mike Parker Pearson and the Neolithic Gorsedd of Bards
For over half a century, the mainstream archaeological establishment has treated the ghost of 18th-century antiquarianism with steadfast derision. Generations of university students have been taught to laugh at William Stukeley and John Aubrey for looking at Stonehenge and for inventing a romantic "Druidic Temple." We have been told, with immense scientific gravity, that the Iron Age Druids lived thousands of years after the stones were erected, and that any talk of a secretive, white-robed, elite intellectual class possessing "sacred knowledge" of the stones is nothing but a modern, fabricated delusion.
Fast forward to four years ago, when Parker Pearson initiated and drove a multi-disciplinary paleoenvironmental investigation in the Preseli Hills, fully expecting the pollen cores to rubber-stamp his grand "Exodus Theory”. He needed the pollen analysis and other data to show that West Wales was “emptied” around 3000 BC, proving that the local population had packed up their stone circles and marched off to Wiltshire with them. Instead, objective science did what it should do: it refused to print the script. The pollen analyses came back showing unbroken agricultural and pastoral continuity [Spencer et al., 2025]. The people didn't leave. They stayed put, farming their fields, grazing their livestock and putting up assorted megalithic structures such as burial chambers, straight through the 3000 BC horizon. Further, the environmental data proved that the lowland valleys were choked with a dense primary deciduous swamp-forest that would instantly defeat any overland stone-transporting convoy.
This story of stability and slow evolution is essentially what we already know from the work of Darvill and Wainwright and from the painstaking record keeping with regard to West Wales archaeological sites by Dyfed Archaeology.
The language used in the article by Spencer et al is extraordinary, desperately incorporating multiple gratuitous references to Stonehenge, stone quarries and stone transport and throwing in so many unfounded assumptions and speculations that the integrity of the study is seriously compromised. That’s a pity, since the basic science seems quite sound and even important.
What we now see is that Professor MPP, in a series of increasingly bizarre sociological pivots, has inadvertently resurrected the spirit of Iolo Morganwg. To save his human-transport dogma from the unyielding realities of Quaternary geomorphology and palynology, he has been forced to invent an invisible, multi-regional, prehistoric elite secret society.
So, faithful blog followers, welcome to the Neolithic Gorsedd of Bards.
Because he cannot abandon the human-transport narrative without discrediting a vast output of academic publications, MPP has had to rewrite the social structure of the Neolithic. Moving the stones is no longer a broad, communal, societal migration involving a whole tribal society. Instead, it has been re-interpreted as an exclusive, top-down corporate enterprise involving a select few, driven by powerful leaders who used public symbols to impress and manipulate the masses. We are not talking about tribal chieftains and the ruling class; we are talking about something much more subtle involving belief, not strength or power.
According to this new narrative, this highly specialized, elite lineage of prehistoric project managers and logistics experts—also possessing some esoteric knowledge of ancestral connections—somehow held the absolute political and spiritual authority to command delegations of workers to commute across Britain to build Stonehenge, leaving the regular peasantry back in Wales to tend the cattle.
It’s more complex than that, since MPP now seems to be suggesting that 80 bluestones were passed from one community to another in a sort of megelithic relay (like the one that carries the Olympic flame) through dozens of different tribal territories over many generations. If true, this must have required an immense bureaucratic machine, with a high level of managed infrastructure, enforcement, and policing. There would have been permanent or seasonal base camps along the route to house, feed, and manage thousands of labourers. But MPP faces a problem. There is absolutely no trace of any such infrastructure along the proposed coastal or overland routes between Pembrokeshire and Wiltshire. The archaeological record shows nothing but scattered, normal domestic debris from local farming and hunting as people went about their humdrum daily lives.
The MPP hypothesis depends on a "pan-British alliance" where different communities willingly cooperated or were forced by this mysterious "elite" to haul heavy stones for a distant monument they would likely never see. But tribal societies are notoriously territorial and protective of their resources. To suggest that dozens of decentralized, independent communities along the Bristol Channel or Welsh borders blindly submitted to some outside elite who wanted them to act as a transport service defies everything we know about tribalism and human behaviour. There is no evidence of any Neolithic organization capable of enforcing such back-breaking labor across tribal lines.
It is one thing to imagine a single tribal community bringing a "prestige stone" as a one-off diplomatic gift. It is a completely different story to coordinate the movement of 80 bluestone boulders of assorted shapes and sizes. The logistical nightmare of scheduling, labor rotation, food supply, and boat/sledge maintenance for a continuous multi-stone conveyor belt would rival the logistics of the Roman Empire. Yet, we are asked to believe this was orchestrated by a ghost elite who left behind nothing but modest traces of their habitations, assorted small stone settings on burial sites, and simple pottery in West Wales.
By framing this gigantic enterprise as a "unification project", the narrative uses comforting, modern metaphors to mask a total vacuum of physical evidence. When you strip away the storytelling, the sheer lack of administrative and material traces proves that the "grand relay" is a logistical fantasy simply and rather blatantly designed to keep the human-transport theory alive.
If this sounds familiar, it should. It is the blueprint of the Gorsedd of Bards, dreamt up out of thin air in 1792 by Iolo Morganwg (Edward Williams). Iolo, a brilliant stonemason and romantic myth-maker, forged "ancient Druidic triads" and constructed an imaginary, elite intellectual class who held sacred control over the landscape's stones and who kept alive their language and cultural traditions. Similarly, the British Druid Order and the Order of Bards, Ovates and Druids (1964) are neo-druidic groups whose origins go back no further than the early 20th Century. The Ancient Order of Druids was established in 1781. See Cusack 2012 for a fascinating history of the relationship between Druidism and Stonehenge……..
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259926084_Charmed_Circle_Stonehenge_Contemporary_Paganism_and_Alternative_Archaeology
In modern Druidism, the Ovates are responsible for "calling the Ancestors" -- and MPP seems to be assuming this function on the part of his stone-moving Neolithic elite. They are the "walkers between worlds," delivering prayers or invocations to the spirits of the land and the ancestors who walked it before. In the good old days they would of course have known about the spirits of the ancestors embodied or buried within certain sacred stones...........
Let’s apply a basic, common-sense cost-benefit analysis to this engineering proposition. Let’s say that a standard bluestone weighs around 3 tonnes. To build a timber grid or "stretcher" rigid enough to bear a concentrated load of this size without instantly snapping across the middle, you cannot use light saplings. You need thick, seasoned oak trunks configured into a structural, cross-braced frame.
By the time you build a timber apparatus large enough to distribute that weight across 80 or 100 carrying positions, the wooden lattice itself would weigh up to 2 or 3 tons. it is no longer simple, but highly complex. The elite Druidic commuters (or their slaves or faithful followers) wouldn’t just be carrying the stone; they would be carrying an additional dead-weight of timber that effectively doubled the load. Combine that with the ergonomic nightmare of packing dozens of men shoulder-to-shoulder on rough, hummocky and boggy terrain, where a single trip or misstep by one carrier triggers a catastrophic domino effect, and the "carrying lattice" exposes itself as a structural absurdity.
When antiquarians and modern Druidic groups erect man-made replica stone circles for the National Eisteddfod, they are practicing a recognized, modern, romantic tradition. We can call it the ultimate form of institutional pageantry. All perfectly harmless……
The MPP research team has boxed itself into a corner. Those involved are willing to violate the fundamental laws of engineering, human biomechanics, and their own funded environmental data rather than admit a simple geological truth: Neolithic builders were essentially pragmatists and opportunists. They didn't need a secret society to conquer Wales or Scotland or to unify a vast array of different tribal groups with their own cultural traditions and preferences. In the real world they simply gathered a mixed, heterogeneous assortment of stones that an ancient glacier had already dropped either on the undulating chalk terrain of Salisbury Plain or very close to it.
Occam’s Razor rules. As Hitchens and Sagan have said with reference to all scientific work, if you want to propose extraordinary and eccentric events or intentions, you must at the same time present incredibly powerful and incontrovertible supporting evidence. This applies to hypotheses relating to Neolithic culture, just as it applies to everything else. Such evidence is entirely missing, and the narrative can therefore be dismissed out of hand.
So where does the Archdruid of UCL go next in his campaign to invent yet more bizarre Neolithic behaviour and to disempower the earth sciences? A Neolithic Eisteddfod with the Preseli Male Voice Choir winning a famous choral competition, cheered on by family and friends? The re-establishment of the REALLY ANCIENT Order of British Druids? A nice little cult, with the Archdruid at its centre? But don’t we have that already, in all but name?
NOTE
“The vast literature on Stonehenge offers the widest conceivable range of answers, or guesses. Various authors have attributed it to the Phoenicians, Romans, Danes, Saxons, Celtic Druids, British aborigines, Brahmins, Egyptians, Chaldeans, and even . . . the Red Indians, Giants, dwarves and supernatural forces, Atlanteans and extra-terrestrials. It has been called a temple, an observatory, a memorial, a parliament, a necropolis, an orrery, a stone-age computer, and much besides. One might almost suppose that it was specifically designed to accommodate every notion that could possible be projected onto it. For at Stonehenge no antiquarian cause is ever finally lost.” John Michell
REFERENCE
Carole Cusack . 2012. Charmed Circle: Stonehenge, Contemporary Paganism, and Alternative ArchaeologyJanuary 2012 Numen 59(2-3):138-155
DOI: 10.2307/23244956
===============
The Devil's Arrows: more smoke and mirrors from Clarke and Co
Anthony Clarke, Jim Leary, Chris Kirkland, Proc. R. Soc. A (2026) 482 (2345): 20260504 .
https://doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2026.0504
2. Glacial Dynamics Blind Spot.
The Brimham Grit is mapped by BGS across an extensive area to the west and northwest of Boroughbridge, sitting directly in the path of Devensian ice flowing south and east through the Dales margins. Ice flow during earlier glaciations will not have been significantly different.
3. Visual and Statistical Disconnect Histogram Mismatch:
All in all, this is extremely poor science from a team which is getting an unfortunate reputation for making spectacular claims on the basis of very limited fieldwork and totally inadequate sampling protocols. This is the third highly controversial paper from the Australian "Curtin University school" of geo-archaeology—led by Dr Anthony Clarke and Professor Chris Kirkland. Their high-profile papers, including the Stonehenge Altar Stone Scottish origin study (Nature, 2024), the Salisbury Plain stream sediment study (Communications Earth & Environment, 2026), and now the Devil's Arrows paper (Proceedings of the Royal Society A, 2026), tend to dazzle the media, and parts of the academic community, because of their high-tech nature.
So, to conclude:
Monday, 7 September 2026
Those trench and borehole records for Stonehenge Bottom etc
From Steve Hooker's blog site:
Sample 51138, forty litres of the Trench 511 sequence, sits in the Wessex Archaeology archive. Nobody has examined it with the drift question in mind. Clast lithology, fabric, micromorphology and mineral provenance could tell till from solifluction from riverwash. Dating it is a separate fight.
Anyone could do most of this: no research council, no grant. An afternoon in an archive. A phone call to Wessex Archaeology asking after sample 51138. An email to the Gloucestershire lab asking where four sealed cores went. The trench is the exception. That needs consents stacked three deep, this being the middle of a World Heritage Site, so bring patience and a professional dig team. The documents have been public for years, the samples are on shelves, and the question has never been asked of the material that could answer it. So I hope some fascinated party asks. Maybe that is you, dear interested reader, who made it this far.
Sunday, 6 September 2026
How the Stonehenge obsession destroys sound science
Daisy Eleanor Spencer, Karen Molloy, Mike Parker Pearson, Ralph Fyfe & Aaron Potito (19 Oct 2025): Prehistoric Landscape Change Around the Sources of Stonehenge’s Bluestones in Preseli, Wales, Environmental Archaeology, DOI:10.1080/14614103.2025.2574741
https://doi.org/10.1080/14614103.2025.2574741
Friday, 4 September 2026
Another attack on the Altar Stone's "Scottish origin"
As we know from a vast media campaign and from abundant posts on this blog, the idea that the Stonehenge Altar Stone (stone 80) came from "Orcadian" NE Scotland is now taken as an accepted truth. There have been some differences in interpretation from the Bevins - Ixer - Pearce team and the Clarke and Kirkland team, but their papers make some pretty brash claims which have never been properly interrogated in the specialist literature. Well, all that is changing, and with a number of geologists now working on the case, I predict that the whole edifice of the "Scottish Altar Stone" will soon come crashing down.
Key publications:A Scottish provenance for the Altar Stone of Stonehenge. 2024. Anthony J. I. Clarke, Christopher L. Kirkland, Richard E. Bevins, Nick J. G. Pearce, Stijn Glorie & Rob A. Ixer. Nature 632, 15 Aug 2024, pp 570-587.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2024.104738
Clarke, A. J. I., Veness, R. L. J., Kirkland, C. L., Clark, C. D., Gandy, N., Emery, A. et al. (2026) From Highlands to Henge: Refining the Provenance and Transport Pathways of Stonehenge's Altar Stone. Journal of Quaternary Science, 1–8.
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1002/jqs.70080
I have expressed my grave concerns about the methods employed by the two teams (working separately or jointly) and about the reliability of their analytical results, and these concerns are reinforced by new work by Ciborowski and Nash.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.106012
Hidden in the depths of a highly technical analysis of geochemical methods of stone provenancing, there are two short sections (5.5c and 5.5d) which are of direct relevance.
Just a reminder: I have heavily criticised the sampling procedures used by the above research teams, who have used proxies or surrogate samples both for the Altar Stone and for the ORS rocks of the Ordcadian Basin. The Altar Stone samples come from old museum collections of rock fragments that may or may not have actually come from the Altar Stone, and the ORS bedrock samples were bought from a rock shop in Whitby. Nobody initially did any fieldwork. Quite extraordinary.
I have also criticised the use of just as few analysed samples as proxies for the vast area of the Orcadian Basin, most of which is of course unsampled and unknown. I have many other criticisms too, which can be checked out by putting "Altar Stone" or " Clarke" into the blog search box.
Back to the present day. Ciborowski and Nash (in their latest contribution, just a few days old) express concerns about "ambiguities" in the use of bivariate geochemical plots by Bevins et al. (That is a coded way of saying that there are strong suspicions of bias.) They are particularly concerned about the aggregation of samples by those who are promoting the Orcadian connection. They claim that "pooling" or aggregating data from multiple disparate samples across an entire region to create a generalized "average" or "mean" signature is fundamentally unscientific. They show that when researchers use an aggregated average to characterize a target source area, they erase the localized, internal variations of the actual geology. By smoothing out the data mathematically, you can inadvertently force a statistical match that doesn't exist anywhere in reality. The claimed statistical link between A and B is an artifact of the analytical method, not an expression of a geological match.
Quote: When the U-Pb zircon signatures of the individual ‘Altar Stone’ samples are compared to those of the individual ‘Orcadian Basin’ samples, any meaningful similarity between the two groups disappears. Indeed, the more valid conclusion that may be drawn from the U-Pb zircon data in Clarke et al. (2024) is that, even with five comparator analyses, none of the individual ‘Altar Stone’ samples look anything like the Orcadian Basin in terms of U-Pb zircon geochronology. This observation alone suggests that the Altar Stone is not from northeast Scotland.Thursday, 3 September 2026
Stone 62 -- a nice academic spat about methodology
I came across this on the University of South Wales web site:
https://pure.southwales.ac.uk/ws/portalfiles/portal/39397422/1-s2.0-S2352409X26003093-main.pdf
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.105874
On following it up, I find that there are three papers and a rather intense and detailed academic spat -- all centred on the methodology for the spot provenancing of dolerites on Mynydd Preseli. It makes a nice change to find an academic dispute that I am not actually involved in! Anyway, in the right corner, Pearce, Bevins, Ixer and Pirrie, and in the left corner Ciborowski and Nash. These two teams have argued rather violently once before, on the matter of the sarsens of West Woods and Stonehenge, but for now we will leave that to one side.
Here are the other two references:
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2025.105513 (the original article by C&N)
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.106012 (the C&N response to the Pierce et al response)
To summarise:
The dispute is very technical, but in essence it is about visual bivariate plots versus mathematical precision and standardization. The clash exposes a fundamental rift in how these two teams of specialists believe archaeological stone sourcing should be conducted.
Pearce, Bevins, & Ixer have for many years had visual bivariate grouping graphs right at the centre of their provenancing work. For example, in 2022 they used portable pXRF to analyze Stonehenge Stone 62. They plotted elemental data (like Zirconium, Titanium, Barium, and Rubidium) on a series of visual bivariate graphs. They concluded that because the data points from Stone 62 visually overlapped with the "field" of a specific small Preseli outcrop called Garn Ddu Fach, it was the definitive source.This conclusion was inevitably tied into the attempts by Parker Pearson and others to link Stonehenge to nearby ancient sites like Waun Mawn.
In a defense of their methodology, Pearce et al fired back, explicitly stating that “the simple graphical approach using bivariate plots produces the clearest assignment of artefacts to sources.” They argued that complex mathematical equations actually overcomplicate the data and create false anomalies, whereas a clean X-Y plot provides the most practical "fingerprint". They even pointed out data-formatting flaws in Nash's critique, arguing that Nash's team used rounded data numbers that distorted the true placement on the graphs.
"The calculation approach fails to take into account even the most basic petrographic observations, which in the case of Stone 62 at Stonehenge shows that it is a non-spotted dolerite, hence cannot be sourced from a spotted dolerite source such as Carn Goedog."
Finally, this is a pretty damning admission in Ciborowski et al 2026: ".... incompatible element variation (at least as elucidated by pXRF) within individual bluestone monoliths may be similar in scale to the petrological variation between individual Preseli dolerite outcrops." And yet they persist in arguing about individual Stonehenge monoliths like stone 62, and about individual tors as places where reliable and representative spot provenancing can be done!!
Wednesday, 2 September 2026
Herbert Thomas and the German erratics
I have been doing more research on the origins of the human transport hypothesis (I won't call it a theory today, since it is not supported by enough evidence) and have discovered a delicious irony.
The inventor of the human transport idea was of course geologist Herbert Thomas, around 1918-1921 -- formulating his ideas in the years after the end of the Great War. Anyway, in 1921—just three years after the armistice -- Thomas wrote his famous paper tracing the bluestones to the Preseli Hills. At that moment in history, British archaeology was deeply entangled with national identity. The devastating loss of life in the Great War left a fractured national psyche that desperately needed a narrative of ancient British exceptionalism, organization, and cultural supremacy to counter the dominant German archaeological schools of the era and the exciting Neolithic discoveries made in Germany.
This is what I have said earler about Thomas's deliberate distortion /manipulation of the evidence of glaciation:
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305440313001076
Tuesday, 1 September 2026
The quiet abandonment of the great Neolithic exodus
https://doi.org/10.1080/14614103.2025.2574741
I wrote to Daisy Spencer about the article and its weird obsession with Stonehenge, but have received no reply. I wonder why?
In the present circumstances it's difficult to know whether we are supposed to accept that there was a mass stone-carrying exodus from Pembrokeshire around 5,000 years ago. Maybe yes, maybe no. Maybe we are supposed to think there was a mass exodus, which does not show up in the environmental change records because a few human beings were left behind, tasked with obliterating all traces of quarrying and stone transport, and carrying on as before? Or maybe the stone-carrying expeditions were conducted by an elite and mysterious group that was in possession of secret knowledge of igneous petrology, stratigraphy, geography and cartography?
I haven't given much coverage to this idea, mainly because it is so proposterous. But we can see some of MPP's thinking on a corporate, elite management or specialized lineage-driven transport model in his chapter in the edited volume "Trade Before Civilization: New Perspectives on Long-Distance Trade and Social Complexity" (Cambridge University Press, 2022), and in his highly selective arguments in "The Power of Ritual in Prehistory: Secret Societies and Origins of Social Complexity."
With nowhere else to go, MPP is now forced to drift back toward a variation of the old "elite coercion" or "religious pilgrimage" theories, where a specialized group of elite prehistoric managers (who were of course in possession of esoteric or secret knowledge) somehow convinced a simple and settled West Wales population to let them strip their landscape of their sacred monuments and drag them 140 miles away over land, leaving the local farmers behind to tend the fields.
We will hear more about this as more and more pieces of the edifice collapse. But isn't it rather entertaining that MPP is now homing in on druids and Neolithic bards, having spent much of his academic life assuring us all that Stonehenge has nothing whatsoever to do with the druids? All this just at a time when we are having fun with the Welsh National Eisteddfod, the Gorsedd of Bards, and a Gorsedd Circle made of glass fibre imitation stones? And not so long ago, at the time of the summer solstice, the druids all had a whale of a time prancing around at the old stone ruin on Salisbury Plain. Iolo Morgannwg must be chortling away as he looks down from his place in heaven.
A reminder of what I said in 2019:
https://brian-mountainman.blogspot.com/2019/04/was-there-neolithic-mass-exodus-from.html
So what evidence might there be for a large-scale cultural upheaval in West Wales roughly in the period 5,500- 4,500 BP -- the crucial thousand years in the Stonehenge story? So far as I can see, none at all. True, there are signs of a decline in the construction and use of megalithic tombs (cromlechs or dolmens) for collective burials, and signs of an increase in the setting up of standing stones, either singly or in "settings". And Pembrokeshire does not seem to have been affected by the trend of building large and impressive passage graves like Bryn Celli Ddu on Anglesey and Newgrange in Ireland; but in considering this difference Darvill and Wainwright, in their big 2016 chapter in "Pembrokeshire County History", say that Pembrokeshire was by no means isolated, but simply part of a quite different network of connected politics in which an emphasis as placed on individual graves sometimes covered with round cairns of stone. In their chapter it is difficult to extract hard facts from a context in which Stonehenge always lurks in the background, with circular reasoning much in evidence -- but suffice to say that there is no suggestion, anywhere, of a major hiatus that must have accompanied a "folk exodus" of people carrying stones or petrified ancestors to Stonehenge.
In contrast, there are many signs of continuity, with the adoption and abandonment of different traditions of building things and burying the dead. One tradition that appears to have been neither adopted, used or abandoned is the tradition of erecting large standing stone circles -- which maybe explains why MPP and his merry band have been hunting fruitlessly for "Proto-Stonehenge" for the last eight or nine years. Another tradition that never was developed, used, or abandoned, was the tradition of quarrying large monoliths from the living rock in designated quarries. And yet another assumed tradition for which we have no evidence at all was the tradition of transporting large monoliths across country for great distances.
So, as far as I can see, there is no evidence to support the hypothesis of a major exodus or series of expeditions eastwards from Pembrokeshire towards Stonehenge for the purpose of political unification or for any other reason. On the contrary, the evidence suggests a fairly small and relatively isolated community developing some local trends, copying or adapting others, and maintaining trading links with other communities in all compass directions. The idea that there was a sort of Neolithic "El Dorado" or Holy Land in West Wales is entirely fanciful; megalithic remains are no more spectacular or abundant here than they are everywhere else. If there was a threat from the east at any stage, involving immigrants from the near continent, it would have been strange indeed for local people to have moved TOWARDS the source of the threat, carrying with them assorted symbols of their cultural identity in the form of more than 80 very large stones.